In the wake of the tragic failure of Eritrea’s 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia, senior members of the Eritrean government began a campaign to bring about the democracy that the 30 year war of liberation had been fought for.

They formed the G-15: men and women who challenged President Isaias to give the Eritrean people the freedoms they had been promised. In dawn raids on 18 and 19 September 2001 the president’s notorious security forces rounded them up and jailed them. None have ever been taken before a court or convicted of any crime. They have rotted in prison ever since.

At the same time independent newspapers were closed and journalists arrested. The nightmare of repression which has hung over Eritrea ever since had begun.

Now, on the 20th anniversary of these terrible events, we recall those who have been in Eritrea’s jails ever since. Their families have been deprived of them; their friends have lost them. But they have never been forgotten. Nor has the flame of hope that they ignited – of a proud, free and democratic country.

We have profiles of these brave men and women – and will share them daily.

Mahmoud Ahmed Sherifo

In 1966 Mahmoud abandoned his schooling to join the ELF to fight for his country’s independence.  He was a prolific reader and his comrade, Ahmed Alqeisi, described Mahmoud as “a fighter who closely monitored current affairs and helped to established a people’s force”. Mahmoud spoke fluent Arabic, Tigrinya and Saho in addition to English. Mahmoud is one of the founding fathers of the EPLF that split from the ELF.

In 1977, Mahmoud was elected a member of the first organized political office in Sahel and led the information division. In 1987 he was re-elected member and led the Department of Public Administration. In 1979, he founded the Voice of the Masses radio that broadcasted in Tigrinya, Tigre, Afar, Arabic and Amharic. Mahmoud was a popular figure who coordinated programmes on air as well as a printing department that published magazines, textbooks, stimulators, and revolutionary literature.

As one of the fighters who opposed the leadership of ELF and formed the EPLF, Mahmoud reiterated his belief that the democratic weaknesses criticised in the ELF should not be repeated in EPLF, and he spent a lot of time trying to maintain the unity of the EPLF.

After independence, Mahmoud worked as a Minister of Foreign Affairs and in 1994 he was elected member of the Central Committee and the Eritrean National Council. Mahmoud was one of the G-15 leaders who demanded accountability and proper governance as well as the implementation of the constitution. On 18 September 2001, Mohamoud along with his G-15, including his wife Aster Fisihazion were arrested by the Eritrean security services and taken to the infamous Ila-Iro prison. They have not been seen or heard since.

Aster and Mohmoud’s son, Ibrahim, spends each September reflecting on his parents’ imprisonment 20 years ago and demanding for a peaceful democratic transition in Eritrea. Ibrahim knows the regime that imprisoned his parents is cruel but still lives in hope and writes on social media “the day I see the face of my parents again, will be the happiest day of my life.”

Tesfay Gebreab (Gomera)

In 1977, Tesfay Gebreab joined the EPLF underground cell in Desse, Ethiopia and travelled to EPLF base in Sahel for its first congress representing clandestine cells in both Eritrea and Ethiopia.  When he returned to Desse the Ethiopian security surveillance had intensified and some of his comrades were arrested but Tesfay escaped via Djibouti. He joined the EPLF in 1978 arriving is Sahil where he received military training and then assigned to the Pharmacy Branch, Medical Services.

After independence in 1991, Tesfay was assigned to the department of Internal Affairs and he received security training in Sudan. On his return he called for government policy to change to ensure that Eritrean citizens’ rights and dignity were respected, including the right to freedom of  movement, with citizens allowed to leave and enter Eritrea without excessive controls. But his suggestion was rejected as being “not timely or appropriate for the situation.”  In 1994 Tesfay was re-assigned to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as head of administration. He oversaw finances and the human resources of the ministry. He reorganised the department and made various improvements.

In 1999 Tesfay secured a scholarship to study for his Master’s degree in Public Administration in the US and returned home after graduation. This was during the Ethio-Eritrea border war. Tesfay opposed the border war as a tragic waste of more than 100,000 lives and the displacement of over half a million people. The international community described the border war as a “terrible and costly adventure”.

When the war ended, Tesfay supported the G-15 who demanded the war should be properly and seriously evaluated. They also demanded for a transition from the dictatorial rule of President Isaias Afeworki to a democracy with a functioning constitution. Unfortunately, they paid high price for their legitimate demands and have been incarcerated in the notorious Ira-Iro prison since September 2001.  Tesfay has not been seen or heard since.

Tesfay was an excellent writer and contributed articles under his pen name of “Gomera” (volcano) to newspapers and magazines.

“The meeting was requested by Estonia, France, Ireland, Norway, the UK, and the US…The fact that the meeting was proposed under the “Peace and Security in Africa” agenda item – which is the result of a compromise achieved between the “A3 plus one” (Kenya, Niger, Tunisia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) and the proponents of the 2 July briefing – also likely made reaching agreement on tomorrow’s meeting less fraught.”

Source: In the Blue

Ethiopia (Tigray): Briefing and Consultations

Tomorrow (26 August), the Security Council will convene in person for an open briefing and closed consultations on the situation in the Tigray region of Ethiopia under the “Peace and Security in Africa” agenda item. Secretary-General António Guterres will brief the Council during the open session, while Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Martin Griffiths is expected to brief during the closed consultations. The meeting was requested by Estonia, France, Ireland, Norway, the UK, and the US. A representative of Ethiopia is expected to participate in the open briefing under rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure.

The security situation in Tigray is a likely focus of tomorrow’s meeting. Although the Ethiopian government declared a unilateral ceasefire on 28 June after the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF)—a rebel military force that includes members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the region’s former ruling party—retook the Tigrayan regional capital Mekelle, violence on the ground has persisted. On 10 August, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called on all eligible civilians to join the army to fight against the forces led by the TPLF. Two days later, the Oromo Liberation Army—an armed group which seeks self-determination for the Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, and is designated as a terrorist organisation by the Ethiopian government—and the TPLF announced the formation of an alliance to fight the Ethiopian government.

On 23 August, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that the US is concerned that large numbers of Eritrean Defence Forces have re-entered Ethiopia, after having withdrawn in June. In addition, according to international media reports, an internal memorandum by EU diplomats noted that Eritrean troops have deployed to the western part of Tigray and have taken up defensive positions with tanks and artillery. At tomorrow’s meeting, some Council members may call on Eritrean forces to withdraw from Ethiopia.

International interlocutors, including Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Sudan’s Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok—the current president of the Inter-governmental Authority for Development (IGAD)—have recently offered to serve as mediators between the sides to the Ethiopian conflict. However, it appears that thus far these offers have not been accepted by Ethiopia. Tomorrow, members may also be interested in hearing from Guterres about prospects for finding a mediator who will be acceptable to the conflict parties.

The dire humanitarian situation in Tigray and neighbouring regions is another likely topic of discussion at tomorrow’s meeting. According to a 19 August OCHA situation report, while “access in large areas inside Tigray is now feasible and secure”, other areas remain inaccessible. Furthermore, the report notes that insecurity along the only accessible road into the Tigray region, as well as “extended delays with clearances of humanitarian supplies”, have resulted in the provision of only a fraction of the necessary humanitarian aid. The conflict’s spill-over into Tigray’s neighbouring regions has caused increased displacement both internally and externally.

During a 19 August press stakeout, Guterres described the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia as “hellish”, with many in need and widespread destruction of infrastructure. He also expressed grave concern about the “unspeakable violence” perpetrated against women. At tomorrow’s briefing, he may reiterate some of the messages he conveyed during the press stakeout, including his call for an immediate ceasefire, the granting of unrestricted humanitarian access, and the re-establishment of public services in all affected areas. During the stakeout, Guterres further stressed that all parties need to recognise that “there is no military solution” to the conflict and called for the establishment of conditions allowing for “an Ethiopian-led political dialogue” to address the crisis. At tomorrow’s open briefing, Council members may be interested to hear from Guterres whether there has been progress on these points.

During tomorrow’s closed consultations, Griffiths is likely to provide an update on the humanitarian situation in the conflict-affected areas of Ethiopia and address the challenging conditions under which aid workers are operating. He is expected to provide details of his six-day visit to Ethiopia, which took place between 29 July and 3 August. During the visit, which was Griffiths’ first official visit since he assumed the role of Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs in mid-July, he held a series of meetings with various Ethiopian officials, including Abiy Ahmed. Griffiths also travelled to Tigray, met with the TPLF leadership and observed the relief efforts on the ground.

On 19 August, Samantha Power, the Administrator of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), blamed the Ethiopian federal government for the insufficient delivery of aid into Tigray, noting that there is a food shortage “not because food is unavailable, but because the Ethiopian government is obstructing humanitarian aid and personnel, including land convoys and air access”. Council members may be interested to hear about what commitments Griffiths obtained during his visit and about his engagement with the various actors on improving humanitarian access since his return.

While tomorrow’s meeting will be the eighth time the Security Council has discussed the situation in Tigray since the crisis erupted in November 2020, tomorrow’s briefing will be only the second open Council session on this issue. The first five meetings were held under “any other business”. These meetings were followed by an informal interactive dialogue on 14 June and an open briefing on 2 July.

While Council dynamics on Tigray appear not to have substantially changed since the 2 July open briefing, a combination of factors may have caused a subtle shift. The lack of progress towards a negotiated ceasefire in Ethiopia, the continuing insufficient humanitarian access and the risk of a further widening of the conflict seem to have contributed to rendering the process of agreeing on having a meeting comparatively smoother than in the past. The fact that the meeting was proposed under the “Peace and Security in Africa” agenda item – which is the result of a compromise achieved between the “A3 plus one” (Kenya, Niger, Tunisia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) and the proponents of the 2 July briefing – also likely made reaching agreement on tomorrow’s meeting less fraught.

During tomorrow’s meeting, many Council members are likely to echo the Secretary-General’s remarks during his 19 August press stakeout, emphasising the need for a ceasefire and unrestricted humanitarian access and calling for a political dialogue between the parties. The “A3 plus one” may also stress regional cooperation and the importance of finding “African solutions to African challenges”. During July’s open meeting, Kenya, delivering a statement on behalf of the “A3 plus one”, noted that this should involve “Ethiopian solutions starting in the order of ceasefire, humanitarian delivery, dialogue, reconciliation and responsibility”.

The European members of the Council and the US may stress the importance of investigations into violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and emphasise the need for accountability for crimes committed during the ongoing conflict. On 23 August, the US Department of Treasury imposed sanctions on the Chief of Staff of the Eritrean Defense Forces, General Filipos Woldeyohannes, for leading forces accused of committing “serious human rights abuse” in Tigray. Some members might also refer to the 11 August Amnesty International report on rape and other sexual violence in the conflict in Tigray.

China and Russia are likely to emphasise Ethiopian sovereignty and maintain that the crisis in Tigray should be understood as an internal issue. At July’s meeting, Russia expressed regret about the format of the meeting and cautioned other Council members “against using [the open meeting format] to further destabilize an already complex situation in Tigray and weaken the political position of federal authorities”.

At the time of writing, a Security Council product on Tigray is not expected. Thus far, the Council’s only product on Tigray is a press statement which was issued on 22 April.

In the wake of the tragic failure of Eritrea’s 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia, senior members of the Eritrean government began a campaign to bring about the democracy that the 30 year war of liberation had been fought for.

They formed the G-15: men and women who challenged President Isaias to give the Eritrean people the freedoms they had been promised. In dawn raids on 18 and 19 September 2001 the president’s notorious security forces rounded them up and jailed them. None have ever been taken before a court or convicted of any crime. They have rotted in prison ever since.

At the same time independent newspapers were closed and journalists arrested. The nightmare of repression which has hung over Eritrea ever since had begun.

Now, on the 20th anniversary of these terrible events, we recall those who have been in Eritrea’s jails ever since. Their families have been deprived of them; their friends have lost them. But they have never been forgotten. Nor has the flame of hope that they ignited – of a proud, free and democratic country.

We have profiles of these brave men and women – and will share them daily.

Kiros Tesfamichael (a.k.a. Awer)

While at Secondary school, Kiros Tesfamichael became an active member of an Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) underground cell.

In 1973 Kiros joined the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), undertaking his military and political training before he joined the frontline. This was a period during which a group of reformists (Menqa’e) demanded proper governance and accountability from the EPLF leadership. They were brutally executed by the EPLF.

From frontline, Kiros moved to become a barefoot doctor and worked as a medic caring for wounded EPLF fighters but he was discharged on health grounds and became the chief librarian of Orotta Hospital.

Following the capture of Asmara In 1991 and after independence in 1993, Kiros became Head of the Examination Centre at the University of Asmara before moving to the Referendum Commission in an administrative capacity and then joined the Office of National Service programme. In 1994, when the Eritrean Ministry of Information was founded, Kiros became the Director General of the Department of Administration.

In 2001, Kiros joined another democratic reform; the G-15 – composed of Central Committee members, Ministers, Generals, Ambassadors and high level cadres. The G-15 agenda focused on changing the leadership style of President Isaias Afwerki. They demanded the establishment of a democratic government and transfer of power to a democratically elected constitutional government. Eleven members of the G-15 were subsequently arbitrarily detained, one recanted and three were abroad. The eleven arrested on 18 September 2001 have been languishing at Ira-Ero prison without the due process of the law.

The climate in Ira-Iro is unbearably hot and the prisoners including Kiros have not been seen or heard from since their incarcerations. The Eritrean government and President Isaias Afeworki in particular, is responsible for their fate, along with countless of other Eritrean prisoners.

US secretary of state raises concerns that large numbers of Eritrean forces have ‘re-entered Ethiopia after withdrawing in June’.

Source: al-Jazeera

US, EU warn of influx of Eritrean troops in Ethiopia’s Tigray

US secretary of state raises concerns that large numbers of Eritrean forces have ‘re-entered Ethiopia after withdrawing in June’.

“General Filipos is the Chief of Staff of the Eritrean Defence Forces. In this role, he commands all of the EDF forces that have been operating in Ethiopia. The EDF are responsible for massacres, looting, and sexual assaults. EDF troops have raped, tortured, and executed civilians; they have also destroyed property and ransacked businesses.”

Source: US Treasury